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Bo Callaway

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Bo Callaway

Bo Callaway
11th United States Secretary of the Army
In office
May 15, 1973 – July 3, 1975
President Richard M. Nixon
Gerald R. Ford, Jr.
Preceded by Robert F. Froehlke
Succeeded by Martin R. Hoffmann
Member of the
U.S. House of Representatives
from 3rd district
In office
January 3, 1965 – January 3, 1967
Preceded by Tic Forrester
Succeeded by Jack Thomas Brinkley
Personal details
Born Howard Hollis Callaway
(1927-04-02)April 2, 1927
USA
Died March 15, 2014(2014-03-15) (aged 86)
Columbus, Georgia
Political party Democrat-turned-Republican (1964)
Spouse(s) Laura Elizabeth "Beth" Walton Callaway (married 1949–2009, her death)
Relations

Fuller Earle Callaway (grandfather)

Terry Considine (son-in-law)
Children

Elizabeth Callaway Considine
Howard H. Callaway, Jr.
Edward C. Callaway
Virginia Callaway Martin
Ralph W. Callaway

Sixteen grandchildren
Alma mater

Georgia Institute of Technology

United States Military Academy
Military service
Service/branch United States Army
Years of service 1949–1952
Battles/wars Korean War

Howard Hollis Callaway, Sr., known as Bo Callaway (April 2, 1927 – March 15, 2014), was an American Colorado.[1]

Contents

  • Early life 1
  • Early political career 2
  • Gubernatorial election of 1966 3
  • Election results 4
  • Legal challenges 5
  • The Colorado years 6
  • Death 7
  • References 8
  • External links 9

Early life

Callaway was born in United States Military Academy at West Point, New York, from which he was graduated.

After serving in the Army, Callaway returned to Georgia to help his father develop and operate their beloved Meriwether County.

Early political career

Like most southerners at the time, Callaway grew up as a supporter of the Reconstruction era.[3]

White House and was not able to be the decisive leader that the country needed."[4]

Gubernatorial election of 1966

Callaway was the first Republican even to seek the Georgia governorship since 1876.[5] Because Republicans held no primary at the time in Georgia, Callaway was required to obtain 87,000 signatures – 5 percent of the registered voters – to guarantee ballot access. He secured 150,765 names, which were hand-delivered to the Savannah, the state's second largest city. Arnall compiled a dossier on Callaway which he claimed would guarantee a Democratic victory in the fall, with him as the head of the ticket. He denounced the tax-exempt status of the Callaway Foundation. Time proclaimed Arnall "the odds on favorite"; Newsweek predicted that Maddox was "certain to lose." The Athens Daily News claimed that Maddox lacked "a Chinaman's chance". The Macon Telegraph said that Maddox's "anger, hate, and vengeance ... has from earliest biblical times ... divided and destroyed."[9]

The Macon Telegraph warned Callaway that he "must rise early and work late" to overcome the "little Pickrick warrior", a reference to Maddox's former Pickrick Restaurant in Atlanta. The newspaper urged Callaway to seek moderate Democratic backing because he could never outfox Maddox in the "seemingly popular sport of LBJ cussin'". The Atlanta Constitution withheld any endorsement of either candidate. Callaway remained conservative and shunned the labels "segregationist" or "integrationist" but said he stood for "freedom of choice" desegregation plans. Both candidates ran afoul of the Roman Catholic Archbishop of Atlanta, Most Rev. Paul J. Hallinan, who proclaimed that no "honest Catholic" could support a segregationist.[10]

Callaway's Cadillac bore the bumper sticker: "I fight poverty – I work!" Callaway once joked that he had "looked all over Washington, for a money tree that supports these programs, and I have yet to find it."[8]Benjamin B. Blackburn, a suburban Atlanta Republican congressman from 1967 to 1975, said that Callaway was not "racist" but abhorred the high costs of such federal social programs at the expense of taxpayers.[10]

Time magazine carried a report of some voters with Callaway stickers on their cars voting in the Democratic runoff, presumably for Maddox on the theory that he would be a weaker opponent for Callaway than would have been Arnall. Maddox received 443,055 votes to Arnall's 373,004; one Arnall aide attributed the entire Maddox margin to the Republican crossovers. However, the Marietta Daily Journal dismissed the crossovers and speculated that supporters of Jimmy Carter largely backed Maddox. Callaway denied having urged any Republicans to support Maddox: "the losers always blame the other party."[11]

After he surprisingly defeated Arnall in the [12]

As a Democrat in 1962, Callaway had supported former Governor lieutenant governor from 1955 to 1959 had quarreled with Governor Griffin, dismissed Maddox as "a pipsqueak" and endorsed Callaway.[8]

"Go Bo" was the persistent Callaway campaign slogan. Some liberals, disgruntled with both party nominees, proclaimed, "Go Bo, and take Lester with you". Some of these individuals organized a write-in campaign on behalf of Ellis Arnall, who said that he neither encouraged nor discouraged their undertaking. Maddox likened the write-in to an attempt to "slip into the back door like a thief in the night" and called upon Arnall to renounce the drive. Several celebrities endorsed the Arnall write-in, including television personality Hosea Williams challenged Callaway on a myriad of issues important to liberals and claimed that the Republican nominee had purchased the endorsement of the Atlanta Journal.[13]

Enthusiastic crowds and promising opinion polls falsely buoyed Callaway in late October. An Oliver Quayle tabulation for

United States House of Representatives
Preceded by
Tic Forrester
Member of the U.S. House of Representatives
from Jack Thomas Brinkley
Succeeded by
Government offices
Preceded by
Robert F. Froehlke
United States Secretary of the Army
May 1973 – July 1975
Succeeded by
Martin R. Hoffmann

External links

  1. ^ "Bo Callaway dies at age 86". 
  2. ^ strategist who helped Republicas rise in the South
  3. ^ "Our Campaigns: Container Detail". 
  4. ^ Billy Hathorn, "The Frustration of Opportunity: Georgia Republicans and the Election of 1966," Atlanta History: A Journal of Georgia and the South, Vol. XXXI (Winter 1987–1988), p. 37
  5. ^ "Our Campaigns: Georgia District 3 Race, November 3, 1964". 
  6. ^ Atlanta History, p. 39
  7. ^ Atlanta History, pp. 40, 42
  8. ^ a b c Atlanta History, p. 42
  9. ^ Atlanta History, pp. 39–40
  10. ^ a b Atlanta History, p. 41
  11. ^ Atlanta History, p. 40
  12. ^ Atlanta History, pp. 41–42
  13. ^ Atlanta History, p. 4
  14. ^ a b Atlanta History, p. 44
  15. ^ The New York Times, November 11, 1966, p. 1
  16. ^ a b Atlanta History, p. 46
  17. ^ a b c d e f Atlanta History, p. 47
  18. ^ Atlanta History, p. 47
  19. ^ a b c Atlanta History, p. 48
  20. ^  
  21. ^ West, Paul (October 25, 1992). "Democratic Congressman May Get a Close Shave".  
  22. ^ "THE 1992 ELECTIONS: CONGRESS; New in the United States Senate". The New York Times. November 5, 1992. Retrieved March 16, 2014. 
  23. ^ Former U.S. Representative Bo Callaway of Georgia dies at 86 | Reuters
  24. ^ a b "Laura Elizabeth "Beth" Walton Callaway". findagrave.com. Retrieved May 24, 2014. 

References

[24] Howard and Beth Callaway have five surviving children, Elizabeth Callaway Considine of Denver, Colorado; Howard H. Callaway Jr. of

Callaway died at an assisted living facility in Columbus, Georgia, on March 15, 2014, of complications of a cerebral hemorrhage suffered two years prior. He was 86.[23] His wife, Laura Elizabeth "Beth" Walton Callaway (1926–2009), a native of Agnes Scott College in Atlanta, the couple married in 1949 and was together for more than sixty years until her death. In 1979, she received a Master of Science in Botany from Western State College in Gunnison, Colorado. Mrs. Callaway was a founding member of the Lady Bird Johnson Wildflower Center in Austin, Texas, and served as well on the board of visitors for the Ida Cason Callaway Foundation and the board of the United States National Arboretum in Washington, D.C. Lynda Johnson Robb, older daughter of Lady Bird Johnson called Mrs. Callaway "a take-charge woman, and when she gave her heart to Mother Nature, you knew that native plants and the environment were better off."[24]

Death

Callaway's son-in-law, Terry Considine, also a Republican, is a former Colorado State Senator who ran unsuccessfully for the U.S. Senate in 1992, losing to Democratic (later Republican) U.S. Representative Ben Nighthorse Campbell.[21][22]

In 1976, Callaway and his family subsequently moved to Colorado, where he acquired the Bush ticket. From 1981 to 1987, Callaway served as the chairman of the Colorado Republican Party and as head of the political action committee GOPAC.[19]

A week after the Maddox inauguration, Callaway replaced former President Eisenhower as director of Republican national committeeman and Richard M. Nixon's 1968 "southern coordinator", which secured Nixon's nomination through the Southern Strategy with the help of other Deep South figures, such as Senator Strom Thurmond of South Carolina and the state chairmen Charlton Lyons of Louisiana and Clarke Reed of Mississippi. In 1973, Callaway began a stint as Secretary of the Army under Presidents Nixon and Ford and was an important figure in managing the post-Vietnam transition from the draft to the all-volunteer army. After managing the first phase of the Ford election campaign, Callaway resigned in 1976, when NBC News alleged his involvement in a conflict-of-interest case relating to the United States Forest Service in Colorado. A congressional investigation found "no positive evidence of impropriety." In 1977, Harper's Magazine concluded that Callaway had been a scapegoat in the matter.[19]

The Colorado years

The Atlanta Constitution concluded that "flabbergasting circumstances" had turned the gubernatorial campaign into "a page from [17] Callaway promised the Republican faithful that they would "meet again on another day in another race," lending incorrectly to speculation that he might challenge U.S. Senator Herman Talmadge in 1968. The Atlanta Constitution described Callaway as a "lonesome, sad figure."[19]

Another group appealed to the [17]

[18] The combined Georgia House and Senate chose Maddox, 182 to 66. More than thirty Democrats defected to Callaway either because he held a slim statewide plurality or had carried their districts.

In light of the ruling, Callaway supported a resolution by State Representative A. Mac Pickard of Columbus for a special runoff election without write-ins. Lawmakers tabled Pickard's motion, 148 to 110. When Callaway sought a meeting with Maddox to discuss the issue, he was told to contact Maddox on January 11, 1967, in the governor's office.[17]

In a five-to-two decision, the U.S. Supreme Court upheld Bolton's reasoning and cleared the path for the legislature to elect Lester Maddox. Justice Hugo Black, a former Democratic U.S. senator from Alabama, took the strict constructionist line by emphasizing that the Constitution does not dictate how a state must elect its governor. "Our business is not to write laws to fit the day. Our task is to interpret the Constitution," Black explained. The two liberal dissenters, Abe Fortas and William O. Douglas, ironically supported Callaway's position. Fortas contended that the 1824 provision for the legislature choosing the governor "belittled the equal protection clause", which did not become operational until 1868. "If the voting right is to mean anything, it certainly must be protected against the possibility that victory will go to the loser," said Fortas.[17]

In the state's appeal, special election could not be called prior to the tabulation of returns on January 10, 1967.[17]

Under Georgia's election law then in effect, the state legislature was required to select a governor from the two candidates with the most votes. Dominated overwhelmingly by Democrats, the legislature selected Maddox. After certification of the election returns, a three-judge federal panel, including future Attorney General of the United States Griffin Bell, a Democrat, and Judge Elbert Tuttle, a Republican, struck down the constitutional provision permitting the legislature to elect the governor. The judges said that a malapportioned legislature might "dilute" the votes of the candidate with a plurality of the ballots. Bell equated legislative election to the county-unit principle already struck down by the courts. The judges granted a 10-day suspension of their ruling to permit appeal to the United States Supreme Court and stipulated that the state could resolve the impasse so long as an alternative to legislative election was reached. The American Civil Liberties Union, critical of Republican crossover votes in the Maddox-Arnall Democratic runoff election, opposed legislative intervention or a new general election without write-ins being permitted. Instead, the ACLU sought to reopen the primary process. Other citizen groups proposed a special election. The Democratic state chairman insisted that anything other than election by the legislature would be "a sad commentary on the decline of constitutional government."[16]

Legal challenges

Callaway won a very narrow plurality over Maddox in the general election, but the Arnall write-in effort denied the Republican a majority of votes. Using rural returns, the national television networks forecast a Maddox victory, but the projections failed to gauge Callaway's strength in urban areas. Three days later on November 11, 1966, Callaway held a slim lead, 453,665 to Maddox's 450,626. Arnall obtainced 52,831 write-in votes. Maddox led in 128 counties; Callaway, in 30; Arnall, only in Macon, Callaway polled 87.4 percent among blacks; poor whites there gave Maddox 47.4 percent, nearly 25 percent points lower than in Atlanta. The Callaway plurality hence resulted from anti-Maddox blacks. The vote further fragmented along religious and educational lines. Maddox polled 53 percent from his fellow Baptists but only 20 percent from his opponent's Episcopalian denomination. Maddox also drew 20 percent from Methodists, Presbyterians, and Lutherans, and 5 percent from Jews. Sixty percent of whites with less than a high-school education chose Maddox, while only 13 percent of college graduates supported the Democratic nominee. Maddox led among voters who felt underpaid and with those lacking social or civic club memberships.[15][16]

Election results

Jimmy Carter, who had sat out the Democratic runoff election between Arnall and Maddox much to Arnall's outrage, finally endorsed Maddox, having described the Democratic state platform excluding racial matters as "more progressive and more liberal" than the Republican alternative. The Macon Telegraph found nothing "liberal" in Maddox, whom it dismissed as "a grave threat to peace, dignity, and progress." The publication denounced "inept and erratic leadership" which could thrust the state into a "tailspin, poison race relations, stagnate the growth of jobs and payrolls, ruin the accreditation of schools, and make Georgia a laughingstock of the nation."[14]

[14]

Callaway formally launched his campaign on September 30, 1966, with a thirty-unit motorcade along Peachtree Street in Atlanta. Few African Americans or blue collar workers were visible in the white collar crowd numbering 25,000. He discussed such consensus priorities as education, integrity and efficiency in government, protection of life and property, mental health issues, industrial development, tourism, highways, and natural resources. Callaway promised if elected to alleviate overcrowded classrooms and to augment teacher salaries by $1,200 per year, but he had criticized a similar plan by Maddox as too costly. Both major party nominees opposed federal enforcement of desegregation guidelines. Callaway had sponsored a resolution in the U.S. House which would have barred United States Education Commissioner Harold Howe, II, from equating "racial imbalance" with "segregation" in the determination of the disposition of federal funds. Maddox frequently claimed that the wealthy Callaway was insensitive to the needy.[8]

[7] The media continually speculated that Callaway would wage a formidable campaign against either Arnall or

[6]

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